Pelosi’s would-be successor faces radical reality of Bay Area voters in heated confrontation

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If you want to think this is the most important issue facing the country, no one can stop you. Go for it. 

You are right. Algae in a  pool is.  Or maybe a state fair. 

When historians look back at 2026 the amount of algae in the reflecting pool will be what they focus on and not what one of the two major parties kowtowing to jihadi communists.  

The issue is not algae or a state fair, it is Trump being a scumbag pathological liar who is not fit for office.  This fool has 2 1/2 more years to try and rob this country blind or destroy it unless he is removed from office. 

This list might be more descriptive of things that 'istorians are talkin' 'bout.

Per ChatGPT:

By “get around laws and the Constitution,” I would group the Trump administration’s conduct into methods, not just individual scandals.

1. Using executive orders as substitutes for constitutional amendments or statutes

The clearest example is the attempt to end or narrow birthright citizenship by executive order. The 14th Amendment says persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to its jurisdiction are citizens, and courts have long read that to cover nearly all children born on U.S. soil. Trump’s order tried to redefine that by executive command rather than by constitutional amendment or congressional statute.

A similar move appeared in election administration. A federal judge halted Trump’s executive order seeking to create a federal voter list and limit who could receive mail ballots, ruling that those provisions were legally void because they violated separation of powers. The point is simple: states and Congress have election-administration powers. The president does not get to invent them by fiat.

2. Repackaging ordinary policy goals as “emergencies”

Trump repeatedly used emergency statutes as a shortcut around Congress. In trade, he used the International Emergency Economic Powers Act to impose broad tariffs. The Supreme Court later rejected the claim that IEEPA gave him “extraordinary” tariff power over practically any product, from any country, in any amount.

In immigration, he invoked the Alien Enemies Act of 1798, a wartime law, to remove alleged Venezuelan gang members. The Supreme Court allowed parts of the litigation posture to proceed but also said affected people were entitled to notice and a chance to seek judicial review before removal.

That is the pattern: call something an emergency, then claim powers Congress never clearly gave.

3. Treating Congress’s spending power as advisory

The Constitution gives Congress the power of the purse. Trump has repeatedly tried to control or freeze funds after Congress appropriated them. The Brennan Center summarized the legal point directly: presidents do not have the power to freeze funding by fiat, and the Impoundment Control Act was written after Nixon to make that explicit.

This also appeared in the first term border-wall fight. After Congress appropriated less wall money than Trump wanted, the administration declared an emergency and tried to use funds beyond what Congress had provided. A federal court permanently enjoined the use of funds beyond the $1.375 billion Congress had appropriated.

4. Using federal funding as a cudgel to force political compliance

Another method is to say, in effect: “Do what we want, or lose your money.” That has shown up with universities, DEI policies, antisemitism investigations, protest rules, and research funding. In the Harvard dispute, federal agencies demanded numerous conditions for Harvard to keep federal funds, including banning masks, eliminating DEI programs, and cooperating with law enforcement.

This is not merely normal grant enforcement when it becomes coercive, viewpoint-based, or procedurally irregular. It becomes a workaround: use money Congress appropriated for one public purpose as leverage to impose an ideological program.

5. Weakening due process in immigration enforcement

The administration has tried to speed removal by limiting hearings, narrowing judicial review, and deporting first while leaving courts to sort it out later. The Abrego Garcia case is the starkest example. The Supreme Court record states that the United States acknowledged he had a withholding order forbidding removal to El Salvador and that his removal there was therefore illegal.

The same general due-process issue appears in expanded fast-track deportation policies. A federal appeals court recently allowed expanded expedited removal, but the dissent argued the process was inadequate because it did not sufficiently determine how long someone had been in the country before removal.

6. Trying to federalize or control state election machinery

Beyond executive orders, the administration pushed for voter-roll data from states. Reuters reported that DOJ sued 30 states and D.C. seeking voter lists, including sensitive personal information, and that all nine trial-level decisions at that point had gone against the administration.

That fits the same template: take a power the Constitution primarily leaves to states and Congress, then use executive agencies to drag it toward the White House.

7. Attacking independent agencies and watchdogs

Trump has pushed the “unitary executive” theory hard: the idea that the president must be able to control executive officials even where Congress created independence protections. In Trump v. Wilcox, Justice Kagan’s dissent said Trump fired NLRB and MSPB commissioners despite statutory restrictions and existing Supreme Court precedent, “betting that this Court would acquiesce.”

He also fired inspectors general. A federal judge later ruled that Trump unlawfully fired eight inspectors general without the legally required notice and justification to Congress, though she declined to reinstate them.

8. Avoiding Senate confirmation through acting officials

In the first administration, Trump leaned heavily on “acting” officials. The Government Accountability Office found that Chad Wolf and Ken Cuccinelli were not properly serving in top DHS roles because DHS had not followed the lawful order of succession.

That is a constitutional workaround because Senate confirmation is not decorative. It is one of the checks the Constitution gives Congress over executive appointments.

9. Using law enforcement tools against political opponents or critics

A federal judge recently quashed DOJ subpoenas aimed at Minnesota officials during an immigration dispute, finding the subpoenas were politically motivated and intended to coerce or retaliate against officials who opposed the administration’s immigration policies.

The Justice Department also issued, then withdrew, subpoenas seeking grand jury testimony from reporters at The Washington Post and The Wall Street Journal. AP reported that critics described the move as a threat to press freedom and that it followed the rescission of a Biden-era policy limiting use of subpoenas, warrants, and court orders against journalists in leak investigations.

10. Resisting congressional oversight

During the first term, the administration ignored deadlines, resisted subpoenas, and tried to block testimony from officials and former officials. The Brennan Center noted that the administration ignored a deadline for Trump’s tax returns and tried to block subpoenas for officials including Don McGahn, Carl Kline, and Stephen Miller.

That is another workaround: not “the law says we win,” but “make Congress spend months or years enforcing its own authority.”

11. Creating faits accomplis before courts can act

This is one of the most important patterns. Move fast, deport fast, fire fast, freeze funds fast, reorganize fast, and then argue in court that the harm is already done or that judges lack practical power to unwind it. The Abrego Garcia case is an example. The government removed him first, then argued about what courts could do afterward.

12. Treating legal loss as a delay, not a limit

When blocked, the administration often reframes, reissues, appeals, switches statutory authority, or asks the Supreme Court for emergency relief. Sometimes it loses. Sometimes it wins. But the method is constant: press the maximum claim of executive power, force the other branches to stop it, and treat every gray area as permission.

So, in one sentence:

The Trump administration’s recurring method has been to convert legal limits into obstacles to be evaded: executive orders instead of legislation, emergency declarations instead of congressional authorization, funding threats instead of due process, acting officials instead of Senate confirmation, and litigation delay instead of constitutional restraint.

I might add that it is not only the Administration but Congress and the SCotUS aiding and abetting this "unitary executive" that represents a clear and present danger to our democratic system. 

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I quote from twitter all the time. I believe it has been established that posting comments from X are allowed here.   I wouldnt like it at all if I wasnt allowed to post something from twitter. 

This is like saying you cant post a sarcastic photograph or meme, which people here do all the time. 

so very true, I've seen numerous posts including a Twitter link. And I just read thru the entire Terms of Service link below and there is nothing that prohibits the use of Twitter. 

This is how "trans activists" now feel about one of their biggest elected advocates:

Scott Wiener showed up to the trans march and for the first time we kicked his ass out. It's sad because while he's written some good legislation for queers, hes ultimately a genocidal-supporting center right shill. Trigger warning: broken man walking away defeated. Vote Connie!

x

The far left hate him. Why? Because he authored a  pedophile protection bill and who decriminalized intentionally spreading AIDS?? Hell no! They love him for that.

He's not pro-Hamas enough for their purity test.