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National conservatism is reshaping the Republican Party

  
Via:  John Russell  •  last year  •  11 comments


National conservatism is reshaping the Republican Party
“Donald Trump’s victory was not just a win for his movement but for the ideas of the people in this room,” Missouri Sen. Eric Schmitt told the crowd. “National conservatism is an idea whose time has arrived.”

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apnews.com   /article/national-conservativism-conference-schmitt-a27e3b489dcf768dbebfc927f5e4a1d0

National conservatism is reshaping the Republican Party | AP News


Joey Cappelletti 7-8 minutes   9/5/2025





WASHINGTON (AP) — It’s an ideological faction transforming   the Republican Party   in President Donald Trump’s second term. Now firmly in power, its leaders gathered this week beneath a downtown Washington hotel to bask in their triumph — and to chart what comes next.

“Donald Trump’s victory was not just a win for his movement but for the ideas of the people in this room,” Missouri Sen.   Eric Schmitt   told the crowd. “National conservatism is an idea whose time has arrived.”

Members of Congress, Trump administration officials, donors and right-wing pundits gathered this week for the annual National Conservatism Conference — a gathering once seen as fringe, now asserting itself as the GOP’s dominant ideological force. Panel titles ranged from “The Threat of Islamism in America” to “The Bible and American Renewal” to “Overturn Obergefell,” the Supreme Court case that   legalized same-sex marriage .

It all underscored the movement’s vision of an America rooted in limited immigration, Christian identity and the preservation of what speakers called the nation’s traditional culture.

Schmitt, a first-term senator, followed a GOP donor’s speech on “The Problem of Our Time: White Guilt” with a talk of his own titled “What is an American?” In it, Schmitt criticized some legal immigration, declared that “America doesn’t belong to them — it belongs to us,” and insisted, “We can no longer apologize for who we are.”

“Our people tamed the continent, built a civilization from the wilderness,” Schmitt said. “We Americans are the sons and daughters of the Christian pilgrims who poured out onto the ocean’s shores.”

‘America is not just an idea’


In July 2024, then-Sen. JD Vance used   his Republican National Convention speech   after accepting the vice presidential nomination to declare: “America is not just an idea. It is a group of people with a shared history and a common future. It is, in short, a nation.”

That idea is central to what national conservatism is. With its first conference in the U.S. in 2019, the national conservatism movement is a project of the Edmund Burke Foundation, a conservative U.S. think tank. Its founder, Israeli political theorist Yoram Hazony, defines national conservatism as a political philosophy centered on the restoration and preservation of national and religious traditions — ideals he says are essential to a nation’s long-term strength and cohesion.

Vance has spoken at multiple National Conservatism Conferences and in 2021 credited Hazony as “quite influential to me.” His elevation to vice president — and the policy shifts that followed — signaled that the movement had fully arrived in power.

In 2021, while campaigning for the Senate, Vance delivered the conference keynote, calling on conservatives to “honestly and aggressively attack the universities in this country.” Four years later, the Trump administration has done just that, targeting universities by   cutting their funding .

In the shadow of the White House


This year’s conference was held in the heart of Washington, just blocks from the White House.

High-profile speakers included Director of National Intelligence   Tulsi Gabbard , White House budget director   Russell Vought , Trump border czar   Tom Homan , and three U.S. senators. The speaker list also featured more controversial figures, such as John Eastman — an   ex-Trump attorney   central in efforts to overturn the 2020 election after Trump’s loss to Democrat Joe Biden — and   Calvin Robinson , a Michigan priest who lost his license after mimicking a straight-arm gesture interpreted by some as a Nazi salute.

Many of the top speakers used their time to defend Trump administration policies and lash out at critics. Vought declared that the Government Accountability Office “shouldn’t exist” after it said his latest effort to claw back funds already approved by Congress is illegal. On the broader push for the rollback of appropriated funds, or rescissions, he said, “If Congress has given us authority that is too broad, then we’re going to use that authority aggressively to protect the American people.”

On an “Overturn Obergefell” panel, Katy Faust, a right-wing author, argued that legalizing gay marriage had weakened the rights of biological parents: “The moment the state has the power to assign parenthood to strangers, it can unassign it from you. Your legal relationship to the children you’ve begotten is weaker than it was a decade ago.”

Thomas Klingenstein, a top Republican donor, argued in a speech that the greatest problem facing the nation is “white guilt.”

“Many Americans voted for President Trump in 2016 because he told them what they knew but needed to hear: America could be great again,” said Klingenstein. “Now, Trump must tell them something else they know but need to hear: America is no longer guilty of systemic racism, or most any racism for that matter.”

‘What winning looks like’


The 2025 conference served in part as a celebration. The founder, Hazony, opened the event with a speech about “what winning looks like.” Vought urged attendees to further push forward the movement “so that the movement built around President Trump is a durable intellectual river.”

But no one made a louder entrance than Missouri’s junior senator, Schmitt.

Opening his 30-minute address with force, Schmitt declared the moment “a revolt within the right.” He offered immigration policy as the prime example.

“The old conservative establishment may have opposed something like illegal immigration on procedural grounds, simply because it was illegal,” he said. “At this point, it should be clear that the fact that something is sanctioned by our government does not mean it’s good for our country.

“That much is obvious with various forms of legal immigration today.”

He closed by outlining his view that America is “a nation and a people, with its own distinct history and heritage and interests.”

That heritage, he said, is one of pilgrims and settlers who repelled “wave after wave of Indian war band attacks.” He said “every great feat of the modern world bore American fingerprints,” calling those who built skyscrapers, split the atom, invented the airplane and walked on the moon.

“America, in all its glory, is their gift to us, handed down across the generations. It belongs to us. It’s our birthright, our heritage, our destiny,” Schmitt said.

Though the ballroom was only half full, Schmitt’s remarks quickly reverberated online, as his team pushed out clips across social media.

In just over two years, he has built a close alliance with Trump, helping move key legislation through the Senate. But this speech marked something more: a signal that national conservatism now has a firm foothold in the halls of Congress.

“We’re not sorry. Why would we be sorry?” Schmitt said in closing. “America is the proudest and most magnificent heritage ever known to man.”



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JohnRussell
Professor Principal
1  seeder  JohnRussell    last year

Why post a 2 month old article ?

Nick Fuentes and Tucker Carlson.  I read that many young Republican congressional aides in DC are Fuentes followers. 

 
 
 
Trout Giggles
Professor Principal
2  Trout Giggles    last year
On an “Overturn Obergefell” panel, Katy Faust, a right-wing author, argued that legalizing gay marriage had weakened the rights of biological parents: “The moment the state has the power to assign parenthood to strangers, it can unassign it from you. Your legal relationship to the children you’ve begotten is weaker than it was a decade ago.”

Bullshit!

You may lose your kids if you're a shitty parent but not if you are good, loving parent who does what they can for their kids

 
 
 
JohnRussell
Professor Principal
3  seeder  JohnRussell    last year

.....Kevin Roberts, Field wrote, was explicitly hired to run Heritage as part of a concerted drive to shift the conservative institution away from its roots in the Reagan revolution of the 1980s and into alignment with Trump’s MAGA movement.

The ideological radicalization, Field wrote,

has included a blurring of boundaries between acceptable and unacceptable ideas and opinions — a clear shift of the Overton window toward paleoconservatism and the far right.

In the lingo of a place like the Claremont Institute, which became so heavily involved in the events leading up to and including Jan. 6, Kevin Roberts “knows what time it is.”

In a key marker of the ideological transformation of Heritage, “Roberts effectively pledged allegiance to the national conservatism movement (see this speech in   Miami in 2022 , where he said, ‘I come not to invite the national conservatives to join our conservative movement but to acknowledge the plain truth that Heritage is already part of yours’).”

In “Furious Minds,” Field wrote:

Ideologically, national conservatism promotes the notion of a single, culturally homogenous nation-state that is under threat from within and without and needs to be protected. This embrace of nationalism — at times an open endorsement of Christian nationalism — is highly exclusive. It cuts against America’s tradition of religious pluralism, as well as against declarationist creedal elements of America’s self-understanding and civil religion.

The mood of national conservatism, Field wrote, “is fervent and unyielding.”

Heilbrunn made similar points but from a different perspective.

“Over the past few years,” Heilbrunn wrote, “Kevin Roberts has steadily repositioned the Heritage Foundation to serve as the ideological advance guard of the MAGA movement, most notably by advancing the Project 2025 manifesto as well as purging a number of the organization’s fellows.”

For Roberts, Heilbrunn argued, “defending Tucker Carlson and, by implication, the odious Nick Fuentes, must have seemed like a no-brainer — another step toward fortifying his MAGA bona fides and allying Heritage with the thunder on the right. Roberts’s real mistake was that he didn’t purge Heritage enough to avoid an internal outcry.”

Tanenhaus, in turn, wrote that Roberts has adopted a warrior-like approach to running a right-wing think tank. He described Roberts’s thinking as:

“Don’t give an inch to woke progressives. The instant they (the left) sense weakness they will attack. Why attack our bad guys when yours are so much worse — woke crusaders for D.E.I., transgender activists, ‘Communists.’ ”

These radical changes   on the right are not limited to the leadership of think tanks. In addition, there has been a fundamental shift over the past decade in the composition of the Republican electorate, opening the door to right-wing populism, and then some.

Rod Dreher, a conservative essayist, has emerged as a leading figure on the right warning of the growing strength of neo-Nazism and antisemitism — known in some quarters as Groyperism — among young conservative activists.

“Conservatives in Washington, D.C.,” Dreher wrote in an   essay   in The Free Press on Wednesday,

have been saying to me that the influence of neo-Nazi Holocaust-denying livestreamer Nick Fuentes has taken off among Gen Z congressional and administration staffers. One older insider put the number of Fuentes fans and fellow travelers,   so-called Groypers , in these Washington circles at “30 to 40 percent.”.....
 
 
 
JohnRussell
Professor Principal
3.1  seeder  JohnRussell  replied to  JohnRussell @3    last year

The uniquely divisive issue of antisemitism

So far, I’ve deliberately avoided talking about the main subject of the right’s current civil war: the role of Jewish people in American politics and society. That’s because the contours of the right’s internal discussion of that issue are qualitatively different from what they are on race or gender.

Among conservatives, it’s widely recognized that the movement’s youth are, in general, more radical than their elders. My Heritage insider source, for example, warned that “some of the younger staff members [are] playing around with some really dangerous ideas I thought were going to lead to disaster, and we’re kind of living through that now.”

Sometimes the young and old right are in directional agreement, even if they disagree vehemently on specifics. Younger conservatives might indulge in provocations — like calling for the repeal of the 19th Amendment granting women the vote — that go too far for older conservatives, but they nonetheless express a shared dislike for feminism. The difference here is more about degree than kind.

Yet on Jews, the two generations face a genuine divergence in orientation. The older guard on the right is not only staunchly pro-Israel, but also more likely to see Jews as a kind of “model minority”: proof that a minority group can overcome discrimination through grit and hard work rather than government handouts. The youth cadres, by contrast, are instinctively skeptical of US commitments to foreign states and deeply suspicious of the (mostly liberal) Jewish community’s influence on American politics.

This generational divide, born out by   the best survey data on antisemitic attitudes , was vividly on display at the leaked Heritage meeting. While the staff excoriating Roberts skewed old, the ones who defended him (and the pro-Tucker video) seemed to be disproportionately young. Their ranks included Evan Myers, a speechwriter for Roberts, who   claimed that   a proposal for the organization to host an apologetic Shabbat dinner would amount to an insidious form of discrimination against Christians like him.

Any discussion about generational divides risks gross generalization. So I want to be clear: It’s not that all, or even most, young Republican operatives are Fuentes-style antisemites. But many of them — far more than outsiders would likely believe — sure sound like it.
 
 
 
Jack_TX
Professor Quiet
3.1.1  Jack_TX  replied to  JohnRussell @3.1    last year
it’s widely recognized that the movement’s youth are, in general, more radical than their elders.

Every movement's youth should be, in general, more radical than their elders.  

That's how wisdom is supposed to work.  That's also why they're not supposed to get their way.

The youth cadres, by contrast, are instinctively skeptical of US commitments to foreign states and deeply suspicious of the (mostly liberal) Jewish community’s influence on American politics.

A generation raised on brainless identity politics has difficulty shaking off brainless identity politics.  Go figure.

 
 
 
JohnRussell
Professor Principal
3.1.2  seeder  JohnRussell  replied to  Jack_TX @3.1.1    last year

"National conservatism" is not identity politics ? 

 
 
 
Jack_TX
Professor Quiet
3.1.3  Jack_TX  replied to  JohnRussell @3.1.2    last year
"National conservatism" is not identity politics ? 

I have no idea.  I'm sure the people who engage in identity politics will say it is, but then they say that about almost everything.

It's much easier to cheer for a team than it is to try and understand the issues, and people are fundamentally lazy.

 
 
 
Dismayed Patriot
Professor Quiet
3.1.4  Dismayed Patriot  replied to  Jack_TX @3.1.3    last year
I'm sure the people who engage in identity politics will say it is, but then they say that about almost everything.

The only ones I ever hear complaining about 'Identity Politics' are the conservatives, and they do say that about almost everything.

“We can no longer apologize for who we are.”

Seem's like a pretty clear case of identity politics to me.

 
 
 
Trout Giggles
Professor Principal
3.1.5  Trout Giggles  replied to  Dismayed Patriot @3.1.4    last year

"We're proud bigots and we will stay that way!"

 
 
 
Jack_TX
Professor Quiet
3.1.6  Jack_TX  replied to  Dismayed Patriot @3.1.4    last year
The only ones I ever hear complaining about 'Identity Politics' are the conservatives

Well liberals are hardly going to complain about their most effective recruiting tool, are they?

Seem's like a pretty clear case of identity politics to me.

Or a rejection of it.  

 

 
 
 
Gsquared
Professor Expert
4  Gsquared    last year

"National Conservatism"... contemporary echoes of "National Socialism".  Loud, booming echoes.

 
 

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